Louisville Courier Journal's David Hawpe Comes Out "Swinging The Bat".
David Hawpe
For those in need of a history lesson
Read it here or below:
In the afterglow of Mitch McConnell's latest re-election, it's not surprising that his partisans and promoters would succumb to an excess of enthusiasm.
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One swooning admirer even claimed that McConnell is the foremost Republican in Kentucky history.
I can't let that go unchallenged.
McConnell may be the most important Republican politician our state has produced, but John Sherman Cooper certainly was the most important Republican public servant.
For young Kentuckians seeking a role model, this is an important distinction.
Former President Gerald Ford declared Cooper "one of America's outstanding legislators and diplomats" in post-World War II America.
Sen. Edward M. Kennedy called Cooper "one of the authentic Senate giants of our time."
Media matriarch Katharine Graham called Cooper "Mr. Integrity" -- one reason he was chosen to serve on the Warren Commission.
He "had credit in the bank on both sides, politically," said Rep. Bill Natcher, another real Kentucky gentleman, because Cooper was neither partisan nor boastful.
A deeply partisan McConnell looks out for the folks back home, but so did Cooper. Natcher once said he knew of no senator who could claim more accomplishments for his state, including water and rural electrification projects.
But Cooper saw more broadly than the width of the federal trough. There was real legislation with his name on it -- not the insular and self-serving kind a Kentucky politician might be expected to pass, like a tobacco buyout. Historian David F. Schmitz called the Cooper-Church Amendment a landmark in the history of (1) opposition to the Vietnam War, (2) congressional efforts to end the fighting and (3) control of executive power in foreign policy.
The legal landmark to which McConnell's name is attached (thanks to his own maneuvering for credit) is McConnell v. Federal Election Commission, the Supreme Court case in which he tried to undo the McCain-Feingold election reform.
As Kentucky GOP leader, McConnell has given us Jim Bunning in the U.S. Senate, a gridlocked Frankfort with Senate President David Williams in charge of obstruction and Ernie Fletcher's state administration, which was most memorable for hubris, ineptitude and scandal.
McConnell publicists note that, in Washington, he has effectively supported Israel and pushed democracy in Burma. But beyond lawmaking, Cooper also was a distinguished diplomat -- ambassador to India, delegate to the U.N. General Assembly, NATO adviser to the secretary of State and ambassador to East Germany.
As a political candidate, Cooper demonstrated extraordinary resilience, overcoming setbacks to finish his career a widely beloved figure, with resounding victories by increasing margins.
McConnell? Two weeks out from this year's election, a luxuriously financed incumbent with all the powers of a long tenure, and with vast sums spent on his behalf by outside interests, was in real danger of losing to a third-choice Democratic nominee who brought more baggage to the campaign than Imelda Marcos lugged out of the Philippines.
With millions more to spend than Bruce Lunsford, on false and deceptive ads that were the thrust of his re-election campaign, McConnell ran far behind the top of the GOP ticket.
John McCain won Kentucky by almost 300,000 votes. Despite that huge potential GOP boost, McConnell beat his Democratic opponent by just over 100,000. And he lost by a whopping 40,000 votes among those who know him best, in his home county of Jefferson.
In an awful environment for a Democrat in Kentucky, with Barack Obama atop his party's ticket, Lunsford gave McConnell the scare of his political life.
Don't get me wrong. I don't mind the lionizing of McConnell. I'm fascinated by his skill. Watching him operate is like watching Henry Gondorf in "The Sting," coolly and quietly organizing the Big Con.
He is important and, in his own terms, successful. He isn't really the "state's second son to be a Senate party leader." (He's the third, after Earle Clements, who served in place of an ailing Lyndon Johnson.) But he is now the most important Republican in post-election Washington. He can thwart the Obama administration, or he can skillfully help stake out common ground.
Whether he uses this extraordinary opportunity like a politician or as a public servant remains to be seen.
David Hawpe's columns appear Wednesdays and Sundays in the Community Forum. His e-mail address is dhawpe@courier-journal.com.
Editor's comment: I suspect David Hawpe is referring to John David Dyche. Here's why, follow this link or copy and paste the link below into your computer browser:
http://www.courier-journal.com/article/20081111/COLUMNISTS11/811110319/1016/OPINION
For those in need of a history lesson
Read it here or below:
In the afterglow of Mitch McConnell's latest re-election, it's not surprising that his partisans and promoters would succumb to an excess of enthusiasm.
Advertisement
One swooning admirer even claimed that McConnell is the foremost Republican in Kentucky history.
I can't let that go unchallenged.
McConnell may be the most important Republican politician our state has produced, but John Sherman Cooper certainly was the most important Republican public servant.
For young Kentuckians seeking a role model, this is an important distinction.
Former President Gerald Ford declared Cooper "one of America's outstanding legislators and diplomats" in post-World War II America.
Sen. Edward M. Kennedy called Cooper "one of the authentic Senate giants of our time."
Media matriarch Katharine Graham called Cooper "Mr. Integrity" -- one reason he was chosen to serve on the Warren Commission.
He "had credit in the bank on both sides, politically," said Rep. Bill Natcher, another real Kentucky gentleman, because Cooper was neither partisan nor boastful.
A deeply partisan McConnell looks out for the folks back home, but so did Cooper. Natcher once said he knew of no senator who could claim more accomplishments for his state, including water and rural electrification projects.
But Cooper saw more broadly than the width of the federal trough. There was real legislation with his name on it -- not the insular and self-serving kind a Kentucky politician might be expected to pass, like a tobacco buyout. Historian David F. Schmitz called the Cooper-Church Amendment a landmark in the history of (1) opposition to the Vietnam War, (2) congressional efforts to end the fighting and (3) control of executive power in foreign policy.
The legal landmark to which McConnell's name is attached (thanks to his own maneuvering for credit) is McConnell v. Federal Election Commission, the Supreme Court case in which he tried to undo the McCain-Feingold election reform.
As Kentucky GOP leader, McConnell has given us Jim Bunning in the U.S. Senate, a gridlocked Frankfort with Senate President David Williams in charge of obstruction and Ernie Fletcher's state administration, which was most memorable for hubris, ineptitude and scandal.
McConnell publicists note that, in Washington, he has effectively supported Israel and pushed democracy in Burma. But beyond lawmaking, Cooper also was a distinguished diplomat -- ambassador to India, delegate to the U.N. General Assembly, NATO adviser to the secretary of State and ambassador to East Germany.
As a political candidate, Cooper demonstrated extraordinary resilience, overcoming setbacks to finish his career a widely beloved figure, with resounding victories by increasing margins.
McConnell? Two weeks out from this year's election, a luxuriously financed incumbent with all the powers of a long tenure, and with vast sums spent on his behalf by outside interests, was in real danger of losing to a third-choice Democratic nominee who brought more baggage to the campaign than Imelda Marcos lugged out of the Philippines.
With millions more to spend than Bruce Lunsford, on false and deceptive ads that were the thrust of his re-election campaign, McConnell ran far behind the top of the GOP ticket.
John McCain won Kentucky by almost 300,000 votes. Despite that huge potential GOP boost, McConnell beat his Democratic opponent by just over 100,000. And he lost by a whopping 40,000 votes among those who know him best, in his home county of Jefferson.
In an awful environment for a Democrat in Kentucky, with Barack Obama atop his party's ticket, Lunsford gave McConnell the scare of his political life.
Don't get me wrong. I don't mind the lionizing of McConnell. I'm fascinated by his skill. Watching him operate is like watching Henry Gondorf in "The Sting," coolly and quietly organizing the Big Con.
He is important and, in his own terms, successful. He isn't really the "state's second son to be a Senate party leader." (He's the third, after Earle Clements, who served in place of an ailing Lyndon Johnson.) But he is now the most important Republican in post-election Washington. He can thwart the Obama administration, or he can skillfully help stake out common ground.
Whether he uses this extraordinary opportunity like a politician or as a public servant remains to be seen.
David Hawpe's columns appear Wednesdays and Sundays in the Community Forum. His e-mail address is dhawpe@courier-journal.com.
Editor's comment: I suspect David Hawpe is referring to John David Dyche. Here's why, follow this link or copy and paste the link below into your computer browser:
http://www.courier-journal.com/article/20081111/COLUMNISTS11/811110319/1016/OPINION
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