Democracy For Sale: Ex-Virginia Governor, Bob McDonald, Found Guilty Of Public Corruption. Great! In #Nigeria, The Corrupt Politician Is Elevated In Society!! Watch Video.

watch after verdict video:

Five In Clay County, Kentucky, Previously Ordered Released By Appeals Court And Retried After Sentences In Voter Fraud Cases, Including Circuit Court Judge R. Cletus Maricle, Enter Guilty Pleas To Avoid Retrials And Possible Long Sentences.

For more, go here.

NY Man Pleads Guilty To Funneling Illegal Money To Hillary Clinton's 2008 Campaign. I'm Not Surprised!

 NY executive pleads guilty in alleged scheme involving work for Clinton's '08 campaign

Federal prosecutors said Wednesday that a New York marketing executive received more than $600,000 in illicit funds from a Washington businessman to do unsolicited campaign work for a 2008 presidential candidate, identified by a campaign lawyer as Hillary Rodham Clinton.
Troy White pleaded guilty to a misdemeanor Wednesday for failing to file tax returns reflecting the amount that his company, Wytehouse Marketing Inc., was paid. But court documents outlined an elaborate scheme in which White allegedly worked with Washington businessman Jeffrey Thompson to help a presidential candidate during several Democratic primaries in the winter and spring of 2008.

While the candidate was not identified in court documents, an attorney for Clinton's 2008 presidential bid confirmed that the case involved her campaign.
Thompson and his network of donors were major contributors to Clinton, and White's website highlights the work his company did for Hillary Clinton and the Bill Clinton Foundation.

White had discussions about working for the campaign in an official capacity but was turned down, the documents show.
"Hillary Clinton for President has cooperated fully in the matter involving Troy White," Lyn Utrecht, a lawyer for her 2008 campaign, said in an email Wednesday. "As the court document filed in this matter clearly states, the Committee turned down Mr. White's services. The Committee will not have any further comment in an ongoing investigation."

After White's efforts to join the campaign were unsuccessful, a campaign official introduced White to a businessman matching Thompson's description, who agreed to pay White to do the same work he had offered to do for the campaign, according to prosecutors. The businessman ultimately funneled $608,750 to Wytehouse through a company owned by a close Thompson associate, the documents show.

Although he is not identified by the court documents in the White case, two people familiar with the investigation said the unidentified executive is Thompson, the Jamaican-born former owner of a politically connected Washington accounting firm. The people spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to discuss the person's identity.

The money paid for "street teams" that worked to increase Clinton's visibility in urban areas ahead of several primaries, starting with the Texas primary and caucuses in March 2008. Clinton narrowly defeated then-Sen. Barack Obama in the Texas primary, and Obama won the caucuses.

Texas was considered a critical state for Clinton during her lengthy battle with Obama for the Democratic nomination.

According to the court documents, the campaign official "provided White with confidential internal information ... regarding the itinerary and schedule for a high-profile individual who would be campaigning in Texas." White sent workers to those events to show support and distribute campaign materials, the documents show.

Thompson is also the subject of a grand jury investigation, according to court documents. His lawyer has repeatedly declined to comment and did not return a message Wednesday.
Three former Thompson associates have admitted in court to making more than $300,000 in straw contributions on his behalf to federal and District of Columbia candidates. One of those is Eugenia "Jeanne" Clarke Harris, the owner of Belle International Inc., the company named in court documents as having paid White.

According to a database of Thompson-affiliated donors compiled by The Associated Press, Thompson and more than 50 of his associates -- including employees, relatives, business associates and friends -- gave more than $100,000 to Clinton's 2008 campaign.
The scheme to fund White's campaign activities is similar to what Thompson is alleged to have used to help Vincent Gray get elected as District of Columbia mayor in 2010. Harris pleaded guilty to funneling $653,000 through her companies, including Belle International, into Gray's campaign. Prosecutors described the effort as a "shadow campaign" that tainted Gray's Democratic primary victory over then-mayor Adrian Fenty.
White and his attorney, Ross Nabatoff, declined to comment after the hearing Wednesday afternoon.

White, 48, faces a maximum of one year in prison for the misdemeanor conviction but is likely to receive less time under federal guidelines. He agreed to cooperate in the ongoing investigation, and his sentence could be reduced for substantial cooperation.

Read more: http://www.foxnews.com/politics/2013/09/12/ny-executive-pleads-guilty-in-alleged-scheme-involving-clinton-08-campaign/#ixzz2egj8Gy5d

Former Utah Governor Jon Humtsman Will Quit The GOP Presidential Race Tomorrow.

Stay tuned for the official announcement which I'll post it's video here.

I believe he is the one most feared by the POTUS and GOP's best choice and the best candidate. Unfortunately for him, in America today, being the best gets you no where in politics where "poop", not cream, almost always rises to the top.

In Kentucky's Elections, Money REALLY Did Talk And Those Who Had It Won.

Money talked in GOP rout

Kentuckians partaking of post-election spin and punditry have feasted on all kinds of theories about last week's dismal turnout and why a conservative state gave Republicans such a thumping.

Left in no dispute, though, is the sine qua non, the essential feature, of modern elections: The candidate with the most money wins.

That was true of the campaigns for the five statewide offices with one exception. Republican KC Crosbie raised and spent more money than the Democratic incumbent and came very close to upsetting Treasurer Todd Hollenbach, despite his dual advantages of incumbency and a name well known because of his father's political career.

The one Republican winner, Agriculture Commissioner-elect James Comer, outspent his hapless opponent, in part on TV messages informing the electorate of his opponent's haplessness.

The millions of dollars that poured in from conservative groups to help Republican Rand Paul win last year's U.S. Senate race didn't show up to help Republicans in state races. That's not surprising. A governor or attorney general of Kentucky can't do anywhere near as much as a U.S. senator for the deep-pocketed interest groups that helped Paul.

And, just as you'd expect, the interests who want something from state government gave generously to a popular incumbent governor.

Republican gubernatorial challenger David Williams alluded to that when he said if he had a do-over he would raise $10 million like Beshear — "$850,000 from state employees and the rest of it from people who do business with the state."

This statement is ironic coming from Williams, because, as president of the Republican Senate, he was key in killing public financing of the governor's race.

Public financing was enacted at the same time as gubernatorial succession to even the playing field and reduce the influence and corrupting effect of special-interest money.

Republicans didn't put up a serious candidate the first time they had a chance to run against a Democratic governor in 1999. Then they argued that the campaign spending limits that went with public financing made it impossible to raise and spend enough money to compete with an incumbent.

Republicans called public financing "welfare for politicians." But in the first publicly-financed race in 1995, Democrat Paul Patton and Republican Larry Forgy worked like draft horses, debating dozens of times for audiences across the state. In constrast, Williams barely ever saw Beshear.

The 1995 election attracted almost a million voters, or 43 percent of the electorate, compared with 29 percent or almost 840,000 who voted last week.

Public financing of elections may now be a moot point, as decisions by the Federal Election Commission and Supreme Court have unleashed a tide of "independent" money that pays for attack ads and robo-calls. Spending by outside groups and corporations now is as influential as what candidates raise and spend, if not more so.

The Tea Party and Occupy Wall Street are making themselves heard. But you still better raise money to have the final say.

Read more: http://www.kentucky.com/2011/11/16/1961227/money-talked-in-gop-rout.html#ixzz1dsyhFUvq

David Williams Raises $1Million For General Election, Has Nearly $300,000 On Hand; Gatewood Galbraith Raises $165, 000, Spends It All And Has Total Debt Of $179,000 (60% Of It He Owes Himself!)

Gubernatorial finance records show Beshear outraising Williams 4 to 1
By Jack Brammer and Beth Musgrave

FRANKFORT — Gov. Steve Beshear's re-election campaign has raised more than $4.1 million since May, about four times more than Republican foe David Williams raised during that period.

Beshear's campaign reported having $1.07 million cash on hand for the most recent filing period — from May 17 to Oct. 7, according to disclosure forms filed Wednesday with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance. The campaign said it has pre-purchased $1 million of television advertisements for the final weeks of the campaign. Election Day is Nov. 8.

Williams reported raising $1.02 million for the general election and had $261,802.50 cash on hand. Williams is running with Agriculture Commissioner Richie Farmer.

Beshear and his running mate, former Louisville Mayor Jerry Abramson, have raised more than $9.5 million for the entire campaign.

The campaign of Williams, who is president of the state Senate, issued no comment on the fund raising in the governor's race.

Williams faced two opponents in the May primary. Beshear had no opposition.

Williams transferred $96,610 from his primary campaign to the general election campaign.

Williams' report showed he gave $11,175 to his own campaign. Contributors included $1,000 each from his wife, Robyn Williams, and his father-in-law, Russell County businessman Terry Stephens.

Independent candidate Gatewood Galbraith of Lexington reported raising $165,712. About $60,000 of that came this reporting period.

Galbraith, who is running with Dea Riley of Frankfort, has spent $163,303, and reported having $2,515 cash on hand. The report said his campaign's total debts are $179,181. Galbraith also reported he loaned $107,373 to his campaign.

Nicole Bartlett, a spokeswoman for Galbraith, said of Beshear's large amount of cash, "No one bought is ever bought just once.

"This is the same old pay-to-play that plagues Kentucky government and drives us further into poverty — except for the elite few."

The Beshear-Abramson campaign said nearly 7,000 people contributed to it during the latest filing period. Its voluminous report was nearly 4 inches thick.

"With our strong finances, enthusiastic support and strong ground game, we believe we have the proper pieces in place for a strong finish," Beshear-Abramson campaign manager Bill Hyers said in a statement.

In addition to the campaign coffers, independent groups have raised money and are buying advertisements to support Beshear or Williams.

The groups do not have the same restrictions as campaigns. For example, corporations can give to the independent groups, but corporations can not give to an individual candidate.

A group called Restoring America reported last week that it has raised and spent $1.365 million in Kentucky's gubernatorial race.

The group, which has aired TV and radio ads against Beshear and for Williams, did not list any of its contributors in a report filed with the state Registry of Election Finance.

On Wednesday, another independent group — Kentucky Family Values — reported that it has raised $1,302,500 and spent $1,168,284 so far to support Beshear.

Read more: http://www.kentucky.com/2011/10/12/1918053/gov-beshear-adds-41-million-to.html#ixzz1acYK7isy

Editor's note:

Other races

Here are fund-raising figures for the May-to-early-October period from other candidates who had filed their reports with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance by 7:30 p.m. Wednesday:

 Agriculture commissioner: Republican James Comer raised about $650,000 and has $400,000 on hand; Democrat Bob Farmer raised $112,288 and has $95,581 on hand.

 Attorney general: Incumbent Jack Conway, a Democrat, raised $709,905 and has $457, 803 on hand; Republican Todd P'Pool raised $485,000 and has $81,661.20 on hand.

 Auditor: Democrat Adam Edelen raised $642,130 and has $540,805 on hand; Republican John Kemper raised $35,664.59 and has $10,102 on hand.

 Secretary of state: Democrat Alison Lundergan Grimes raised $412,278 and has $355,598 on hand; Republican Bill Johnson raised $62,451 and has $42,581 on hand.

Steve Beshear Raises Nearly $10 Million For Re-election; Democratic Groups Raise Another $1.4 Million For Him. Dance To ABBA, Would You?

Democratic group raises $1.3 million to promote Beshear
Written by Tom Loftus and Joseph Gerth

An independent Democratic committee has raised $1.3 million from teachers unions, the Democratic Governors Association, racing interests and others to promote the re-election of Democratic Gov. Steve Beshear in November.

The group, called Kentucky Family Values, reported Wednesday that it has raised $1,302,500 since the May primary and spent $1,168,284.

And it disclosed that its money has come in big contributions from traditional supporters of Beshear, including $400,000 from the political action committee of the Kentucky Education Association; $500,000 from the Democratic Governors Association; $100,000 from the political action committee of the Jefferson County Teachers Association; and $50,000 each from the Keeneland and Turfway Park race tracks.

Kentucky Family Values is the type of independent campaign committee that can accept contributions of unlimited amounts from corporations, individuals and PACs.

In contrast, contributions by individuals or PACs to candidates’ campaign committees are limited to no more than $1,000. And corporations are banned by state law from making contributions to a candidate’s campaign committee.

Kentucky Family Values has run broadcast advertisements promoting Beshear and attacking his Republican opponent, Senate President David Williams, during the Nov. 8 general election campaign.

An independent Republican group, called Restoring America, reported last week that it also had raised about $1.3 million in its advertising campaign attacking Beshear and promoting Williams.

But Restoring America did not list its original contributors in its report filed with the Kentucky Registry of Election Finance. Instead, it reported that its contributions came from “Restoring America Inc.” — technically a separate organization, though it lists the same address and top officers.

Beshear’s campaign, meanwhile, reported Wednesday that it has raised $4.1 million since the May primary, bringing his total to more than $9.5 million.

Williams, R-Burkesville, and independent candidate Gatewood Galbraith, a Lexington lawyer, have not filed their campaign finance reports with the registry. The filing deadline is today.

The Beshear campaign report said it has more than $1 million on hand and has purchased more than $1 million worth of television time in the weeks leading up to the Nov. 8 election.

Beshear started the general election campaign with a huge fundraising advantage because he raised more than $5 million during the primary but didn’t face any opposititon, allowing him to use that money as part of his general election effort.

Williams, on the other hand, raised less than $1.4 million in the primary and spent nearly all of it during a tough contest against Louisville businessman Phil Moffett.

Galbraith reported raising about $106,000 when he filed his last report with the registry. At the time, he had spent almost everything he had raised.

Beshear, who had a 31-point lead over Williams in the latest Courier-Journal/WHAS11 Bluegrass Poll, began running commercials in June and has been on the air ever since.

Williams, on the other hand, has had fundraising troubles. He went up on the air briefly around the beginning of August but hasn’t run ads since then.

Galbraith hasn’t yet aired any television commercials.

Editor's comment: Yes, dance away:

Rod "BLAGO The Crook" Blagojevich Is "Stunned" By Jury's Guilty Verdicts. We Are Not, And We Say: BYe, Bye, BLAGO. Have Fun In Prison, Next To Your Predecessor! Watch Video.

Federal Judge Danny Reeves Deserves Another Thank You For The Last Of Sentences For Clay County Vote Buyers.

Clay County businessman, wife sentenced in vote-buying scam
By Bill Estep

A Clay County businessman, who allegedly took part in vote fraud to help elect officials who could give him contracts, has been sentenced to 20 years in prison.

U.S. District Judge Danny C. Reeves sentenced William Bart Morris, 52, Friday in federal court in Frankfort.

Reeves sentenced Morris' wife Debra Morris, 51, to 10 years in prison.

The sentences were the last for eight Clay County residents convicted last year of taking part in a racketeering enterprise that bought several thousand total votes in the 2002, 2004 and 2006 local elections.

The goal of the fraud was to control the county and enrich themselves and associates, prosecutors argued.

In addition to power, salaries and control over jobs, there were contracts at stake.

Bart Morris owned a garbage-transfer company that had contracts with Clay County and the city of Manchester at a time when there were people in office for whom he had helped buy votes, according to trial testimony.

The two local governments paid the company more than $1 million from 2002 to 2009.

Witnesses said Bart and Debra Morris helped handle payments to voters.

Reeves reportedly pointed to incidents of violence in which Bart Morris was involved as one reason for his 20-year sentence, which was above the range in advisory guidelines.

In one of those cases, vote-buyer Bobby Red Sams testified that Morris, who was working for a different candidate than Sams, beat him up in a dispute over a woman who had sold her vote.

The Morrises plan to appeal, said their attorneys, Jerry Gilbert and Elizabeth Hughes.

The other people convicted in the case also plan to appeal.

They are former Circuit Judge R. Cletus Maricle; former school Superintendent Doug Adams; former county Clerk Freddy Thompson; former Magistrate Stanley Bowling; Charles Wayne Jones, who was the county's Democratic election commissioner; and William E. Stivers, an election officer.

All eight have been jailed since being convicted last March.

Read more: http://www.kentucky.com/2011/03/11/1667021/clay-county-businessman-wife-sentenced.html#ixzz1GKiEM0Gh

Editor's note: in case you forgot to keep count, below's the total count:

R. Cletus Maricle, said to be the "boss" of the conspiracy. Maricle was sentenced to 261/2 years on charges of racketeering, money laundering, obstruction of justice, conspiracy to violate voters' rights and conspiracy to buy votes.

Douglas C. Adams, the former superintendent of schools, recruited people to run for office and helped solicit and distribute money to buy votes. Adams, 59, was sentenced to 24 years and five months on charges of racketeering and money laundering.

Freddy W. Thompson, the county's chief election officer, gave money to buy votes and showed election officers how to steal votes. Thompson, 47, was sentenced to 121/2 years on charges of racketeering, money laundering, obstruction of justice, conspiracy to violate voters' rights and conspiracy to buy votes.

Stanley Bowling, a former magistrate, helped carry out vote-buying. He was sentenced to 15 years and 10 months on charges of racketeering and money laundering.

Charles Wayne Jones, a former Democratic election commissioner who is Thompson's father-in-law, taught election officers how to buy votes and change votes. Jones, 71, was sentenced to 20 years on charges of racketeering, money laundering, conspiracy to violate voters' rights and conspiracy to buy votes.

William E. Stivers, a former election official, oversaw vote-buying at the polls and helped collect money to buy votes. Stivers, 58, was sentenced to 24 years and four months on charges of racketeering, money laundering, obstruction of justice, conspiracy to violate voters' rights and conspiracy to buy votes.

Thanks To Federal Judge Danny Reeves, Clay County Vote Buying Circuit Judge Cletus Maricle Gets NO "Miracle" As He Draws Over 26 Year Prison Sentence.

Former Clay circuit judge sentenced to more than 26 years in vote-buying case
By Bill Estep

Cletus Maricle, a Kentucky Circuit Court Judge, in an udated file photo supplied by the Administrative Office of the Courts on 1/23/03. Keyword: Prescription for Pain series, drug, drug abuse, drug dealers, prescription drug abuse. Former Clay County Circuit Judge Cletus Maricle, one of eight Clay County residents on trial in a vote-fraud case before U.S. District Court in Frankfort, March 2010. Photo provided. ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICE OF COURTSBuy Photo

FRANKFORT — Cletus Maricle, a former Clay County circuit court judge, was sentenced to 320 months — 261/2 years — for being the mastermind in a racketeering conspiracy that bought votes in an attempt to control the county, a federal judge ruled Thursday.

U.S. District Judge Danny C. Reeves said Maricle, 67, deserved a longer sentence than his counterparts because he was the head of the organization.

Maricle was convicted of conspiring with other county officials in schemes that involved racketeering, money laundering and voter fraud. He also was convicted of obstruction of justice.

Maricle and seven other county residents were convicted last March of using the county election board as a vehicle to corrupt elections in 2002, '04 and '06.

Others convicted in the case are Douglas C. Adams, the former Clay County school superintendent; former county Clerk Freddy W. Thompson; Stanley Bowling, who was a magistrate; Charles Wayne Jones, the county's Democratic election commissioner; William E. Stivers, a precinct worker; Bart Morris, who owned a garbage company that got local contracts; and his wife, Debra Morris.

Maricle's attorneys said they will appeal.

Read more: http://www.kentucky.com/2011/03/10/1665117/former-clay-circuit-judge-sentenced.html#ixzz1GDFMilkf

Again, We Thank federal Judge Danny Reeves For Sending Clay County Vote Buyers To Well Deserved LOOONG Prison Sentences.

Former Clay school superintendent sentenced to 24 years in voting scandal
By Bill Estep

FRANKFORT — The former Clay County school superintendent should serve more than 24 years in prison for helping lead an organized-crime conspiracy that bought votes in an attempt to control the county, a federal judge ruled Wednesday.

U.S. District Judge Danny C. Reeves sentenced Douglas C. Adams, 59, in federal court in Frankfort to 293 months in prison.

Reeves also sentenced former county Clerk Freddy W. Thompson, 47, to 12½ years in prison for his role in the conspiracy.

Reeves said Adams and Thompson took part in an illegal enterprise that bought thousands of votes over several years.

Too many people were willing to sell their vote or turn a blind eye to such activity, the judge said.

"This type of activity corrupts an entire county," Reeves said.

Adams, Thompson and six other county residents were convicted last March of using the county election board as a vehicle to corrupt elections in 2002, 2004 and 2006.

The goal of the conspiracy was to control the county and enrich themselves and associates through jobs and contracts — a goal the conspirators pursued through widespread buying and stealing of votes, prosecutors argued.

The main charge against them was racketeering, or taking part in organized crime. All eight were convicted on at least one other charge as well, and most of them on several.

The jury decided the eight should be liable for a judgment of more than $3 million for the salaries and contracts they received during the conspiracy.

The others charged in the case were R. Cletus Maricle, circuit judge during the conspiracy; Stanley Bowling, who was a magistrate; Charles Wayne Jones, the county's Democratic election commissioner; William E. Stivers, a precinct worker; Bart Morris, who owned a garbage company that got local contracts; and his wife Debra Morris.

All eight are expected to appeal.

Adams' attorney, Kristin N. Logan, asked Reeves to give the former schools chief less time in prison than the range of 235 to 293 months called for under advisory guidelines.

Logan said Adams was motivated in the 2002 election by a desire to get rid of county Clerk Jennings B. White because Adams' daughter, Malanda, had a serious drug problem and White and other elected officials in the county were protecting drug dealers.

Adams wanted to protect his daughter and others, Logan said.

The 2002 primary, in which Thompson beat White, was a chaotic affair marred by gunfire and jostling at the polls as people lined up to sell their vote.

Logan also said that local schools improved markedly during Adams' time as superintendent from 1999 to 2009.

"He's done a lot for that county," Logan said.

But the prosecutor, Assistant U.S. Attorney Stephen C. Smith, said Adams abused his position atop the largest employer in the county to further his power, soliciting and distributing money for vote-buying, identifying corrupt election officers and backing candidates he could control.

Instead of working for the children of the county, Smith said of Adams, "He's involved in orchestrating a takeover of the power structure in Clay County."

Smith also pointed to testimony that Adams began buying votes in the 1980s and continued to be involved in the conspiracy after the defeat of Jennings White.

Reeves acknowledged Adams had provided benefits to the county, and that his illegal conduct may have been motivated by a desire to get rid of White, who pleaded guilty after leaving office to laundering money for a drug dealer.

But Reeves said it was apparent Adams also wanted to gain and hold power.

Reeves said he considered a higher sentence for Adams, but was persuaded by arguments on his behalf to impose the 293-month sentence.

For Thompson, the potential sentence under advisory guidelines was a range of 262 to 327 months.

His attorney, Russ Baldani of Lexington, sought a lower sentence for Thompson, saying he was less culpable in the racketeering conspiracy than several others in the case.

Unlike some other defendants, there was no evidence about Thompson taking part in illegal acts before the 2002 primary, and he improved the clerk's office after beating White, Baldani said.

However, Assistant U.S. Attorney Jason Parman pointed to testimony that Thompson put in more than $100,000 to buy votes in 2002, and in 2006 showed two precinct workers how to change peoples' choices on voting machines in order to steal votes.

Thompson also lied to a grand jury about the illegal acts, Parman said.

Reeves said Thompson's role in the conspiracy was significant, but not as great as some others.

Reeves also said he did not doubt that Jones, Thompson's father-in-law, brought him into the conspiracy.

"I believe he was being driven by others," Reeves said.

On Tuesday, Reeves sentenced Jones to 240 months in prison and Stivers to 292 months.

People must serve at least 85 percent of their sentence in the federal system.

The other four convicted in the conspiracy are scheduled to be sentenced this week as well.

Read more: http://www.kentucky.com/2011/03/09/1663612/former-clay-clerk-sentenced-to.html#ixzz1G9hIplrU

We Thank Federal Judge Danny Reeves For DESERVING Sentences Given To Clay County Vote Buyers.

Former Clay officials get long sentences in massive vote-buying case
By Bill Estep

FRANKFORT — Two former Clay County election officials received long prison sentences Tuesday for their roles in a vote-buying conspiracy that a federal judge said was astonishing in its scope.

U.S. District Judge Danny C. Reeves sentenced Charles Wayne Jones, 71, to 240 months in prison and William E. Stivers, 58, to 292 months.

Those decisions signal the potential for similar long sentences for some of the six others convicted with Jones and Stivers last year.

Those people, including former Circuit Judge R. Cletus Maricle and former school Superintendent Douglas Adams, will be sentenced this week.

Jurors convicted the eight of using Clay County's election board as a tool to corrupt elections in 2002, 2004 and 2006 by buying or stealing votes on a scale that Reeves said he hadn't seen in any other case.

The goal was to gain and keep power, enriching themselves and others, prosecutors argued.

There was testimony at the trial about candidates pooling hundreds of thousands of dollars to buy votes in the southeastern Kentucky county, one of the poorest in the nation.

Reeves noted various public officials abused their positions to further a scheme that caused great damage.

"This is corruption at all levels of government, and there's no excuse for it," Reeves said.

Those convicted with Jones, Stivers, Maricle and Adams were Freddy Thompson, the county clerk during part of the conspiracy; Stanley Bowling, who was a magistrate; Bart Morris, who owned a garbage company that got county and city contracts; and his wife Debra Morris.

They were convicted last March after a seven-week trial and have been jailed since.

Paul Bishop, an election officer originally charged in the case, pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 36 months in prison.

Stivers was an officer at a polling place during part of the conspiracy, and Jones was the county's Democratic election commissioner.

The sentencing range for Stivers, based on advisory guidelines, was 292 to 365 months.

However, his attorney, Robert L. Abell of Lexington, sought a sentence of less than 20 years for Stivers because of his age and serious health problems.

But the prosecutor, Assistant U.S. Attorney Stephen C. Smith, said Stivers can get adequate treatment in prison.

Smith said Stivers played a key role as an enforcer in the conspiracy, recruiting candidates, collecting money to buy votes, coaching poll workers how to buy or steal votes, and, at times, threatening people.

Stivers hit a city council candidate in the face with a gun in 2004 and, after being charged, tried to get two people to lie about a potential prosecution witness, Smith said.

"He's going to represent the strong arm of the organization," Smith said.

The main charge on which Stivers and the others were convicted — essentially, taking part in organized crime — carried a maximum sentence of 240 months.

However, all were also convicted on other charges, such as money-laundering and vote fraud.

Reeves stacked penalties from other charges to reach a sentence of 292 months for Stivers.

Jones, a retired state employee, was facing a similar sentence, with a guideline range of 235 to 293 months in prison.

However, his attorney, T. Scott White of Lexington, sought a sentence under that range for Jones because the combination of his age and serious health problems.

Jones has a heart condition, diabetes and other health problems, according to White's motion.

Assistant U.S. Attorney Jason Parman argued that Jones should be sentenced to more time in prison than Stivers because Jones had a higher role in the vote-buying conspiracy.

Jones recruited people into the scheme, coached two election officers how to change voters' choices on the voting machines in 2006, and used his position on the election board to further the conspiracy, Parman said.

"This is an organized attempt by a group of individuals to control the entire structure of the county," Parman said.

Parman also said Jones, who was convicted in a federal marijuana case in the 1990s, had a link to drug traffickers, which was important because drug money was used to buy votes.

Reeves said it was clear Jones had a key role in the conspiracy, but that his age and health problems justified a lower sentence than Stivers.

Jones and Stivers, wearing orange jail jumpsuits and leg chains, did not speak in court.

Abell and White said both men would appeal their convictions.

The sentencing hearings this week are the latest phase of a long-running federal investigation in Clay County.

Several other prominent residents were convicted earlier on vote-fraud and corruption charges, including a two-term county clerk, a longtime Manchester mayor, city council members, an assistant police chief and magistrates.

Read more: http://www.kentucky.com/2011/03/08/1662339/judge-sentences-clay-official.html#ixzz1G3f4eAgz

Kentucky General ASSembly Risks Citizens' Eyes For Campaign Ca$h. DISGRACEFUL.

Risking citizens' eyes for cash

The General Assembly could reach a new low today, if the House joins the Senate in trading Kentuckians' eyes for campaign contributions.

Should Senate Bill 110 become law, unsuspecting patients will submit to laser surgery by practitioners who are unqualified by the standards of every state except Oklahoma.

Other states have considered similar measures and rejected them.

Kentucky lawmakers are rationalizing this ill-considered decision by describing it as a turf war between optometrists, who are not medical doctors, and ophthalmologists, who are.

They tell themselves the optometrists just outworked the ophthalmologists. By work, they mean gave money.

In just two years, optometrists have given more than $400,000 to 137 of the 138 legislators' campaigns and to the gubernatorial campaigns of Gov. Steve Beshear (so much for a veto) and Senate President David Williams. That's according to The Courier-Journal's Tom Loftus.

One of the five lawmakers to vote against SB 110 during its supersonic flight, Rep. Susan Westrom, D-Lexington, said an optometrist who called her cited the money he gave to her campaign as the reason she should support the bill.

Westrom, who voted against the bill in committee, was offended by this quid pro quo rationale; others in the legislature must be OK with it.

Another reason the bill's supporters can dismiss the opposition as just one side in a turf war is because the legislature has failed to seek any kind of objective study of the needs and costs or advice from independent experts.

SB 110 popped up less than two weeks ago. Leaders assigned the bill to committees that oversee laws on licensing and occupations rather than committees that deal with health care.

The House licensing and occupations committee did hear from Dr. Emory Wilson, interim dean of the University of Kentucky College of Medicine, who said he "can't imagine using a laser around the eye without extensive training."

Ophthalmologists develop their skills by observing and performing thousands of procedures during one-year internships and three-year medical residencies. Under HB 110, optometrists would get up to speed during continuing education courses.

Maybe thorough study and honest debate would have revealed the wisdom of Kentucky becoming the second state to expand the optometrists' purview.

But the whole point of this high-speed maneuver was to avoid thorough study and honest debate.

We've come to expect such shenanigans when the legislature is doling out favors to special interests or itself. But we naively expected better when something as important as people's eyes was at stake.

Read more: http://www.kentucky.com/2011/02/18/1640053/risking-citizens-eyes-for-cash.html#more#ixzz1EKmuqtfP

Democracy For Sale.

Campaign spending by outside groups tops $257 million
David Lightman

WASHINGTON — With a week to go before the elections, independent groups, most of them with sharp partisan leanings, have spent $257.7 million to influence political campaigns, nearly quadrupling such interest groups' total spending in the last midterm election, according to a Washington watchdog group.

In 2006, the last nonpresidential congressional election year, the groups spent a total of $68.8 million for the election, according to information from the Center for Responsive Politics, which tracks the data.

Spending by conservative groups this year is more than 2 to 1 ahead of spending by more liberal groups. In 2006, when Democrats regained control of Congress, liberal spending led by about 2 to 1.

WASHINGTON — A group founded by Republican political operative Karl Rove has dropped $800,000 on television advertising opposing Democratic Sen. Patty Murray, just part of the independent expenditures that have flooded into the Washington state Senate race in the past week.

The 2010 spending spree is shattering records thanks partly to an unusually competitive year when control of Congress appears up for grabs, but largely due to the Supreme Court's ruling last January in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission.

The 5-4 decision removed curbs on independent expenditures by corporations and unions, freeing them to spend without limit from their own treasuries on campaign ads and advocacy efforts so long as they aren't coordinated with candidates' campaigns.

Under tax and campaign finance laws, most such groups don't have to disclose their donors until after the election.

Just how much all this spending matters to the outcome of the elections Nov. 2 is unclear.

Experts have long thought that money can help define lesser-known candidates, for better or worse. They also stress that money alone won't win a race, however, particularly since voters often become numbed by repetitive advertising.

"Television ads are important in driving voter perceptions of candidates in a race," said Jonathan Collegio, a spokesman for the groups, though he added, "At a certain point, any advertising will result in diminishing returns, especially in the last weeks of an election cycle."

The other question that the spending barrage raises is whether voters are being badly misinformed, confused by the barrage of charges and countercharges and uncertain whom the groups with haughty-sounding names represent.

"People don't like to think they're being bought," said Trevor Potter, a former Federal Election Commission chairman who's now the president of the nonpartisan Campaign Legal Center.

However, he warned, evidence long has shown that advertising compels people to buy certain products, and "it seems unlikely a lot of those calculations are wrong."

One of the more active independent groups is American Crossroads, a political campaign group whose board chairman is former Republican Party Chairman Michael Duncan, and its sister organization, Crossroads Grassroots Policy Strategies, an issue advocacy organization. Karl Rove, President George W. Bush's political guru, is an informal adviser to both.

"Voters should have a healthy dose of skepticism and a steady finger on the remote to change the channel," said David Levinthal, a spokesman for the Center for Responsive Politics.

Among outside independent groups, the conservative American Action Network is the top spender so far, at $22.7 million, followed by American Crossroads, at $18 million, and Crossroads GPS, at $11.5 million.

Also listed as big spenders are two labor unions friendly to Democrats: the Service Employees International Union, at $11.3 million, and the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, at $10.5 million.

The chief beneficiaries so far have been Senate races in Colorado, where outside groups had poured in $29.7 million as of Monday — with GOP-friendly groups giving slightly more — and Pennsylvania, where $18.8 million has been spent and where Democratic-allied groups have a slight edge.

Outside spending is also heavy in Washington state, with $14.4 million; Nevada, with $14.2 million; and Arkansas, with $13.3 million.

The efforts of Republican challengers Dino Rossi in Washington state and Sharron Angle in Nevada are getting more help than Democratic incumbents are in those states, but in Arkansas, Sen. Blanche Lincoln, though trailing badly in the polls, has seen a slight outside spending advantage.

The House of Representatives race that's attracting the most outside cash has been Nevada's 3rd District battle between incumbent Democrat Dina Titus and Republican Joe Heck. About $6.1 million has been spent, with Titus holding an edge in the district, which stretches from Las Vegas' suburbs to the Arizona border.


Read more: http://www.kentucky.com/2010/10/25/1494863/campaign-spending-by-outside-groups.html#ixzz13R6lF56m

E.J. Dionne Jr.: The Scandal Of 2010. I AGREE!

The scandal of 2010
By E.J. DIONNE JR.

WASHINGTON — Imagine an election in a Third World nation where a small number of millionaires and billionaires spent massive sums to push the outcome in their preferred direction. Wouldn't many people here condescendingly tut-tut such a country's “poorly developed” sense of democracy and the inadequacy of its political system?

That, of course, is what is going on in our country as you read this. If you travel any place where there is a contested race for the House or Senate, you are bombarded with attack ads, almost all against Democrats, paid for by groups that do not have to reveal where their money comes from.

What we do know from enterprising journalism and the limited disclosure the law requires is that much of this money is donated in large sums from a rather small number of wealthy individuals.

And The New York Times reported that among the 10 top-spending organizations this year, five are Republican-oriented shadow groups. Another four are the formal party committees for House and Senate candidates. One is a union.

This is a huge, historic deal, yet many in the media have treated the spending avalanche as a normal political story and arguments about its dangers as partisan Democratic whining.

Some have even maintained that money doesn't really matter in elections, which makes you wonder why people who know quite a lot about politics (one thinks of Karl Rove) have spent so much energy organizing these fundraising and advertising efforts.

The outside money should be an issue for Democrats. They ought to be asking, even more forcefully than they have been, what these secret donors expect for their money. You can be sure that the benefactors will not keep their identities hidden from the members of Congress they help elect. Only the voters will be in the dark.

Nonetheless, the partisan dimension should not distract from the larger problem facing American democracy. Secret money is dangerous. Secret money corrupts. Secret money is antithetical to the transparency that democracy requires. And concentrated money, which is what we're talking about here, buys more influence and access than small contributions.

Candidates have limits on the size of the donations they can raise and must disclose them. They are accountable for the advertisements they put on the air. But the outside groups can say whatever they want without answering for it. Washington Post blogger Greg Sargent has been tireless in pointing out how many of the ads sponsored by these shadowy organizations are based on half-truths or outright lies.

It's often been said that what the Republican-leaning groups are doing now is no different from what some Democratic-friendly groups have done in the past. There's actually an important distinction. But first, let me say I didn't like it when Democrats took a step in this direction in 2004, and was critical when Harold Ickes, one of the party's seasoned operatives, organized outside money on John Kerry's behalf.

I called the move “shortsighted,” and said then: “My hunch is that in the long run, the country — and, yes, especially Democrats — will regret opening a new loophole in the campaign money system.” Republicans, I predicted, would “find more than enough rich people to finance groups on the Ickes model” and eventually outspend the Democrats.

But at least the 2004 Democratic money was raised under rules that required disclosure. That's why Republicans, who now complain about criticisms of their efforts, could mount their relentless attacks on the generosity of George Soros.

By contrast, much of the outside Republican money this year is being raised under a different part of the tax code (and under shamelessly loose Federal Election Commission rules), so the money coming in doesn't have to be disclosed. We also have the Supreme Court's Citizens United decision, which vastly increased the ability of corporations to influence elections.

If you still think this outside secret money is just the Democrats' problem, consider the views of Charles Kolb, president of the Committee for Economic Development, a venerable business group. Kolb, who served in the Reagan administration, thinks all this secret money is bad for both democracy and business because it undermines public confidence that the government and the marketplace are on the level.

“An election is a public good, not a private exchange,” he says. “If I want to buy a car from you, that's an exchange between you and me.” But elections “are not a private commodity, candidates aren't private commodities.”

That's right: Elections are there to be won, not bought.

E.J. Dionne is a syndicated columnist with the Washington Post Writers Group. His e-mail address is ejdionne@washpost.com.


Editor's comment: "That's right: Elections are there to be won, not bought."

TOO late for that now!

Democracy For Sale To Highest Bidder!

Outside groups keep pouring money into Washington Senate race
Les Blumenthal

WASHINGTON — With ballots already sitting on kitchen counters and control of the U.S. Senate up for grabs, a torrent of campaign cash continues to surge into the race between Patty Murray and Dino Rossi as independent groups spent almost $4.5 million in three days this week.

More than $11.4 million in independent expenditures in the race have so far been reported, according to the Sunlight Foundation, a non-partisan, non-profit watchdog group that tracks such spending using Federal Election Commission filings.

Nearly two-thirds of the money spent on negative advertising has been spent bashing Murray, the Democratic incumbent seeking a fourth term against Republican challenger Rossi.

"With Rossi down in every independent poll, they need to come on strong," said Matt Barreto, an associate professor of political science at the University of Washington.

Both parties are investing heavily in the race. The National Republican Senatorial Committee has spent more than $1 million so far, this week running ads against Murray, while the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee has spent more than $910,000 opposing Rossi.

Republicans believe a Rossi victory might hand them control of the Senate. Democrats hope to build a Western firewall to thwart a Republican takeover and have made the Senate races in Washington state, California and Nevada a top priority. President Barack Obama is visiting all three states on his current campaign swing.

"Republicans are not willing to give up on taking the Senate," Barreto said. "They are putting all their chips in here. Why not? If they don't spend it, it is wasted."

But the parties aren't the only ones spending heavily in Washington state.

Two groups associated with Republican operative Karl Rove, Crossroads Grassroots Policy Strategies (GPS) and American Crossroads, have pumped nearly $1.5 million into the Senate race so far this week, boosting Rossi's campaign. Coupled with earlier spending, the groups associated with President George W. Bush's former political adviser have spent a total of roughly $2.5 million.

On the Democratic side, Commonsense 10, a liberal advocacy group, has spent $331,000 this week hitting Rossi with television ads.

Other Republican-leaning groups that have spent money this week include Focus on the Family, $34,000, and Rightchange.Com Inc., $29,000. The League of Conservation Voters has spent almost $15,000 supporting Murray.

In a decision earlier this year, the Supreme Court cleared the way for the almost unlimited and anonymous spending that has marked campaigns across the nation.

Critics of the decision said it opened the door to a "Wild West" atmosphere in which almost anything goes.

The result of all this money has been nearly non-stop television and radio advertising in Washington state.

With people already mailing in their ballots in Washington, Barreto said, campaigns can't wait for the last weekend to release an advertising blitz.

"Every day is election day," he said. "They need to be on the air every day. They have to have a high level of exposure."

Campaign advertising has traditionally been centered around the evening network news because people most likely to vote are watching. But Barreto said the advertising has already "oozed" into prime time and onto the cable channels.

Despite worries among some political consultants that people are so bombarded by the advertising that they are tuning them out, Barreto said they're listening.

"People always say they are tired of ads," he said. "But research shows they are effective whether negative or positive."


Read more: http://www.kentucky.com/2010/10/21/1489837/outside-groups-keep-pouring-money.html#ixzz133AobcM0

Despite Spending Truckloads Of Money, Meg Whitman Is Tied With Jerry Brown.

Whitman, Brown Tied In Latest Poll

Popular Comment
"I am a Republican who will vote for Brown this year. Many, many of my Republican friends say they will do likewise because they do not trust Meg and because they believe she demonstrates an inability to bring people together. With Meg it will be more of the same political polarity which solves nothing. And anybody who can throw away in a campaign more than 100 times the amount of money most working people earn in an entire lifetime, simply cannot be in contact with the needs of 99% of all Californians."

After months of negative advertising fueled by more than $100 million in campaign spending, the California governor's race is the closest it's been this near the election in two decades.

Six weeks from Nov. 2, Republican Meg Whitman and Democrat Jerry Brown are dead even, and voters are increasingly negative about both of them, according to a nonpartisan Field Poll released Wednesday.

"This race is boiling down to a tough decision," said Field Poll director Mark DiCamillo. "More voters hold negative than positive impressions of the candidates, and that contributes to the situation."

Brown and Whitman each polled 41 percent of likely voters.

A governor's race hasn't been this close at this stage since 1990, when then-U.S. Sen. Pete Wilson and Democrat Dianne Feinstein were in a statistical tie in late August.

Nearly a fifth of voters remain undecided, including independent Roy Francis of Sacramento, who said he hasn't seen anything from either candidate or their TV commercials that's excited him this year. He said he was leaning toward Brown ever so slightly.

"It's just the lesser of two evils like it is 90 percent of time," said the retired maintenance worker. "I will not vote for Meg Whitman because all she's saying is deregulate, deregulate … And I wish Brown had a few more ideas about what he's going to do."

The Field Poll, however, gave both Whitman and Brown news to celebrate.

Whitman leads Brown by three percentage points in giant Los Angeles County, where about a quarter of the state's registered voters live and where Democrats outnumber Republicans by more than 2 to 1. Democrats hold a 13.4 percentage point registration edge over Republicans statewide.

The only region in which Whitman trails Brown is in the San Francisco Bay Area, home to both candidates, where Brown has built a commanding 40-point lead.

Whitman has tied Brown among women, who usually lean Democratic in the state, and trails the Democrat by only three percentage points among Latinos, the poll found.

Whitman was also leading Brown by four percentage points among likely mail-in voters, a growing part of the state electorate.

While the Field Poll surveyed only about 100 Latino voters, the results suggest an unusually good showing for an ethnic group Republican candidates have struggled to win over, DiCamillo said. Whitman has invested heavily in advertising on the state's Spanish-speaking stations.

"The key to Arnold (Schwarzenegger's) path to victory is he did much better with Latinos than Republicans have in the past," said Thad Kousser, a UC San Diego political science professor. "If Meg Whitman can repeat that feat, this would give her a good shot."

Brown has won a battle of sorts just by staying even with Whitman, Kousser said, nothing that the Democratic attorney general has been significantly outspent in an election cycle that favors Republicans.

Whitman, the billionaire former CEO of online auction firm eBay, became the biggest self-funding candidate in U.S. history last week, investing more than $119 million of her own wealth in her campaign.

Brown began running paid advertising only after Labor Day, while Whitman has been running such spots for a year now. Several union-funded independent expenditure committees have run ads attacking Whitman since June.

"Jerry Brown has more room to grow because he's just starting to introduce himself to California voters," Kousser said. "In a (Democratic)-leaning state, more of those voters are going to be receptive to his message."

The percentage of undecided voters in California actually grew since the last poll, from 13 percent in July to 18 percent this month. Both candidates' unfavorable ratings have hit their highest points in the current election cycle.

"You can see (Whitman's ads) are having their effect, because they're raising Brown's negatives," DiCamillo said. "But they're not propelling her image that much."

Democrat Fred Alexander of Merced said he is looking forward to the coming debates to learn more about both major party candidates. Brown and Whitman will hold their first debate Tuesday at UC Davis.

"Truth be known, I would like to have another candidate," said Alexander, who runs a small cleaning business. "I don't feel very convinced that either one of them are telling me the truth, and that bothers me greatly."


Read more: http://www.sacbee.com/2010/09/23/3050170/whitman-brown-tied-in-latest-field.html#ixzz10MBqq9Tj

Leonard Lawson Rears His UGLY Head -- Again!

Supreme Court ruling impacts Pike County race
By Joseph Gerth

While the top players in the U.S. Senate race are lobbing dirt clods in a good old-fashioned mud fight, folks in Eastern Kentucky may be getting a glimpse of the future of politics in this country.

The race is a magistrate's election in the rough and tumble world of Pike County Democratic politics and involves a company with ties to political king-maker Leonard Lawson, fresh off his acquittal on federal bid-rigging charges.

And it could forever change the way politics are played in this state and the country.

The stage was set in January, when the U.S. Supreme Court, on a 5-4 vote, struck down federal prohibitions on corporate and union expenditures to promote the election or defeat of political candidates.

In the past, corporations were limited in their roles in elections, having to funnel money through political action committees.

The ruling also, in effect, struck down a 119-year-old provision in the Kentucky Constitution that prohibited corporations from spending money to affect elections. The provision was put into the constitution in an era when the old L & N Railroad held a monopoly and controlled much of the state.

In his State of the Union address three weeks later, President Barack Obama took on the court, saying the decision would "open the floodgates for special interests, including foreign corporations, to spend without limit in our elections."

That left Justice Samuel Alito mouthing the words, "simply not true."

While it hasn't opened any floodgates, it has breeched the dam in Pike County, where at least $15,000 worth of corporate money has been spent to beat Pike County Magistrate Chris Harris' re-election efforts, according to the Lexington Herald-Leader.

The newspaper said Harris had the audacity to criticize cozy ties between the company, which operates the county's largest water system, and public officials.

So, funded by $15,000 from the Utility Management Group, which Lawson bankrolled and co-owns, and another $2,500 from the law firm of Democratic State Sen. Ray Jones, which does legal work for the company, a front group calling itself Citizens for Eastern Kentucky Government began airing television ads making spurious claims.

One television station pulled the ads off the air because the group couldn't prove its claims about Harris.

You've got to wonder if this is just the first of many elections in Kentucky in which corporations will become involved.

Will Churchill Downs and Keeneland and other horse racing companies start airing ads directly endorsing candidates who want to allow slot machines at racetracks?

Was this just a dry run for Lawson and does he intend to spend thousands — if not hundreds of thousands — of dollars from his various businesses to campaign against the re-election of Gov. Steve Beshear, whose administration turned him into the feds?

Will attorneys general who fight rate hikes by utilities in the future suddenly find themselves facing not only a Democratic or Republican opponent — but a well-funded corporate entity willing to spend millions to stop them from a second term?

And will Kentucky elections forever be changed?

Alito seemed to say at the State of the Union that that wouldn't be the case. We'll see.

Joseph Gerth's column appears on Mondays. He can be reached at (502) 582-4702 or at jgerth@courier-journal.com. His mailing address is 525 W. Broadway, P.O. Box 740031, Louisville, KY 40201-7431.

Lexington Herald Leader Editorial Decries [Kentucky Legislators'] Unseemly Appeal For Lobbyist Cash, And I AGREE!

Unseemly appeal for lobbyist cash
Williams, Stumbo plan national confab

Kentucky's legislative ethics law bars lobbyists from contributing to the campaigns of legislative candidates. But a gaping loophole in the law allows lawmakers (and candidates) to solicit lobbyists on behalf of causes that have nothing to do with their elections, as long as the solicitation is not limited to lobbyists.

So, Lawmaker X legally can include John Q. Lobbyist on the lists of folks he asks to contribute to his favorite charity, the Society for the Preservation of Gimcracks.

And John Q. Lobbyist, who can't tell a gimcrack from a gewgaw but who's been around long enough to know how the Frankfort game is played, can rest assured Lawmaker X will find out whether he responds to the appeal and how large his interest in preserving gimcracks might be.

If Lawmaker X occupies a position that gives him more influence than your average legislator, well, gimcracks suddenly become an important part of John Q.'s life, so important he rushes to dig deep into his pocket change.

Otherwise, he could find future success hard to come by in the lobbying trade. And unsuccessful lobbyists generally don't have long lists of clients.

Under any reasonable ethical standards, lawmakers putting the arm on lobbyists in this manner would be considered inappropriate, even unseemly, behavior whenever it might happen. And powerful lawmakers putting the arm on lobbyists at a critical juncture in a General Assembly session with many of the most important pieces of legislation still in play would be considered downright reprehensible.

Welcome to the world of Senate President David Williams and House Speaker Greg Stumbo.

On March 23, they sent a joint missive to lobbyists, their employers and others asking for donations of up to $75,000 each to cover the costs of this summer's National Conference of State Legislators in Louisville.

The missive included details of the benefits donors would receive at contribution levels ranging from $5,000 to $75,000.

But the main benefit for responding quickly with a sizeable donation was implicit in the timing of the letter.

With just a few working days left in a session scheduled to end April 15 and with much work left undone when the letter was sent, the message was the latest twist on an old proverb about the early bird catching the worm.

This letter might as well have said it openly: "Give early, give freely and your legislation may yet find life."

Reprehensible. Yes, that's the word for it.

Read more: http://www.kentucky.com/2010/04/14/1223035/unseemly-appeal-for-lobbyist-cash.html#ixzz0l5a4dqby

ALL 8 Clay County, Kentucky, Elected Officials CONvicted Of Vote Buying. I Say: Good Riddance To ALL of Them. Feds Should CLEAN Up Other Counties Too.

Jury convicts all 8 defendants in Clay County vote-buying case
By Bill Estep

FRANKFORT — Some of the most powerful politicians in Clay County corrupted the election process in recent years, buying and stealing votes in pursuit of power and money, a federal jury ruled Wednesday.

After deliberating for more than 9 hours over the past two days, the jury convicted all eight people on trial, including former Circuit Judge R. Cletus Maricle and former school Superintendent Douglas C. Adams, on a racketeering conspiracy charge. That charge was that they used the county election board as a tool to rig elections, appointing corrupt precinct officers to help with vote-buying.

The jury convicted several of the defendants on other charges as well, including mail fraud, extortion and laundering money that was used to buy votes.

They face up to 20 years in prison, though their sentences will likely be less under advisory guidelines.

Those charged in the case are Maricle; Adams; county Clerk Freddy W. Thompson; Magistrate Stanley Bowling; Charles Wayne Jones, a former Democratic election commissioner; William Stivers, a former election official; and William Bart Morris, who owns a garbage-transfer company, and his wife Debi Morris, who owns a beauty shop.

They allegedly used the county board of elections as a vehicle to buy and steal votes between 2002 and 2007 so they could get power, jobs and contracts.

The verdict was the latest in a series of torpedoes that have blown a hole in the power structure that held sway in Manchester and Clay County for years.

Several once-prominent officials went to prison in earlier phases of the federal investigation on corruption and drug charges, including a longtime mayor of Manchester, an assistant police chief, city council members, a county clerk and magistrates.

And the case involving Maricle and Adams raised the possibility that there could be more charges. Prosecutors and witnesses said several other public officials in Clay County took part in vote-buying during the same period covered in the charges against Maricle.

The eight residents were charged with scheming to buy or steal votes in the local elections in 2002, 2004 and 2006.

The indictment charged that Maricle and Adams were political bosses who used their powerful positions to head up the effort. The others allegedly played various roles, such as choosing corrupt election officers to help with buying votes; paying voters; and lining up people to sell their votes.

The eight wanted to control elections so they could get power and enrich themselves and friends in a place where jobs are scarce, according to the charges and arguments in court.

In addition to jobs, there were city and county contracts at stake for Bowling's excavation company and Bart Morris' business, prosecutors argued.

"In Clay County, if you're not in politics or in with the clique, you don't get nothing," Kenneth Day, a convicted drug dealer and professed vote-buyer, testified.

The scheme to buy votes allegedly worked with practiced efficiency.

Participants checked lists of voters to identify those who would take bribes and lined up people to drive them to the polls, where precinct workers made sure they voted correctly and gave them a sticker or ticket to redeem for their payment, according to the indictment and testimony.

Candidates banded together in slates and pooled their money to buy votes, spending hundreds of thousands of dollars in some elections, witnesses said.

Testimony indicated that vote-buying has been widespread and chronic in Clay County.

After Eugene "Mutton" Lewis, a convicted drug dealer who said he'd bought votes for decades, testified about a candidate giving him $1,000 and asking for help, a defense attorney asked if there weren't ways to help a candidate besides buying votes.

"Not that I know of," Lewis responded.

The May 2002 primary — the first election cited in the indictment — was allegedly a high-water mark of vote fraud in the county, largely because of a bitter race for county clerk.

In that race, Thompson challenged incumbent Clerk Jennings B. White in the Republican primary.

The Whites had been a powerful political family in the county for years, holding the offices of mayor, school superintendent, county clerk and state representative at one point, with allies in other offices.

But in 2002, Adams decided to whip Jennings White, Adams' attorney, R. Kent Westberry, told jurors.

It was personal — one of Adams' daughters had a drug problem, and White was close to Day, a large-scale drug dealer, and other local officials who were protecting drug trafficking, Westberry said.

The election was a volatile, violent affair. White used his connections to have a Thompson supporter arrested and staged a shooting of his own van, which then-Sheriff Edd Jordan, an ally of White's, said could have been carried out by Thompson's supporters.

Thompson said his house was shot into, and a man who had dug up dirt on White was shot from ambush.

The candidates and their allies allegedly put up several hundred thousand dollars to buy votes in the election, which Thompson won after precinct workers White thought were in his pocket allegedly abandoned him.

The FBI got complaints about the election and collected records that showed a high number of people asked for assistance in voting, said FBI special Agent Timothy Briggs.

Election officers go into the voting booth with people who request assistance, so that's one tactic vote-buyers use to make sure people vote as they were paid to vote.

Briggs said 78 people asked for help in that election because they were blind, but investigators found nearly 40 had a license to drive. Many drove to London after the FBI asked then to come for interviews, Briggs testified.

The FBI at first couldn't get people to cooperate in the election investigation, but that changed in 2005 after federal agents arrested dozens of people in a multi-state drug case, including Day, who had been a county Republican election commissioner and said he'd bought votes for years.

Defense attorneys did not argue there was no vote-buying in Clay County.

In fact, Maricle admitted buying votes for a circuit-judge candidate he supported in 1983 — though he said he hadn't bought votes since — and Thompson's attorney acknowledged people bribed voters for him in 2002.

But Maricle, Adams and the others argued that they had not bought votes during the time covered in the charges. They also said they didn't band to rig elections, and in fact had been on opposite sides in some races.

For instance, Adams, Stivers and Jones supported Thompson in the 2002 race, while Bowling and the Morrises supported White, defense attorneys said.

Those charged also said many of the witnesses against them — several of them convicted felons -- had reason to lie for prosecutors in hopes of getting help with their own legal troubles.

One key witness for the prosecution was D. Kennon White, who had been city manager of Manchester under his father, Mayor Daugh White, before admitting he extorted $67,000 in kickbacks from Bowling on city contracts.

Another was White's wife, Wanda, who also had worked for the city before Daugh White lost his bid for an eighth term in November 2006 while under federal investigation.

Kennon and Wanda White had been friends with Maricle, but after they got in trouble, they wore hidden tape recorders in 2007 to tape conversations with him and others.